Sleepless in Denver…Currently Searching for Non-Loser

Thanks to BuzzFeed, I found a new role model today. He’s a misogynistic bigot that goes by the name, “Romeo Rose.” Despite the fact that I find him to be a disgusting waste of the air I breathe, I find his little arrangement to be rather interesting. That being said, I too have decided to throw myself out to the world, or at least the Internet, and admit defeat, whilst backhandedly asking for help in my ongoing search for a non-loser in the Denver Metro Area. In theory, this is my new mission. I want to see if this works. 

Now, unlike http://www.sleeplessinaustin.com/ or the shortened version http://www.buzzfeed.com/summeranne/the-worst-person-in-the-world-will-pay-you-1500-to-find-him, (which is a website/article that not only lays out the absurd demands one Austin man has for his dream woman, but also expresses that he is willing to pay a complete stranger a stipend of $1,500 to find and catch said woman for him), I don’t have a website (hell, I barely have a blog) and I sure as hell don’t have $1,500 to give to a stranger. That all being said, I still find his arrangement to be intriguing, and seeing as I am rather unlucky in the field of LOVE, I have decided that I am going to give the world the opportunity to help me find a boyfriend, and in return for finding me a boyfriend (not just a dude that I go on a few dates with, fuck, then kick to the curb), I will cook you a meal of your choice and shower you with hugs (my breasts are very large; hugs will feel nice). Now, if you are intrigued by food and tit-tays, here’s what I am looking for:

About Me:

My name is Ashley. I am 25 years old. I am a Colorado native, originally from Colorado Springs now residing near downtown Denver. I graduated from University of Colorado in 2009 with a B.A. in International Studies and a B.A. in Economics. I will graduate from University of Colorado this December with an M.S.S. in Social Sciences and I am currently applying to an alternative licensure program (ASPIRE) in the School of Education at UCD to teach high school social studies. Currently I work at UCD, doing accounting for the School of Education in Grants and Contracts. I am 5’8″, have a large ass, large breasts, almond-shaped eyes, mousey brown curly-ish hair, high cheekbones, a few tattoos, my nose pierced, my septum pierced, a size 9 1/2 shoe, and a hatred for wearing pants. I love my family and my friends and dammit I love to dance. I don’t care much for sports, but love music. I love the outdoors, the indoors, and everything in between. I have a 6 1/2 year old Italian Greyhound that I rescued a couple of years ago and a 5 year old long-haired Tortoiseshell cat that I adopted earlier this year. They currently occupy my heart. In addition, I strongly advocate equality and love in every sense. Lastly, I’m awesome; enough said. 

The Special Someone I Desire: 

I am looking for a non-loser. I CAN’T STRESS THAT ENOUGH. Intelligence is required, and a bachelor’s degree and beyond are highly desired [but not required], as a big brain makes my panties drop. You MUST make me laugh because I can’t be the only funny one in our aspiring relationship. I would prefer that you are not shorter than me and I am going to stress that I refuse to date anyone that is a bigoted, racist, homophobic, misogynistic, sexist, grade-A dick bag. Other than that I am a welcoming human being that embraces all cultures and ethnicities. Lastly, everyone is different and each and every human being has “baggage” that they carry throughout their lives. That’s what life is; a series of events that help you grow into the person you are meant to be. Life is crazy. It’s about embracing it. I want someone who will embrace life with me. 

How This Works for Matchmakers: 

It’s simple. Find me an awesome dude and I’ll make you food. 

Contact:

I am not going to release my phone number on this blog. Instead, here is my email address: ashley.hilyard@ucdenver.edu. Serious/cynical/funny inquiries only please. 

Happy hunting! Now go! Explore! Catch me a man! 

-Ashley 

 

 

Ps- The photo featured above is yours truly ❤ 

 

[Blog 3] Poverty and School Performance: Abstract

This Visualizing Development Project considers the potential contribution of poverty within a community to understanding how school performance and progress is affected throughout and within the three largest school districts in Colorado; Jefferson County School District, Denver Public Schools, and Cherry Creek School District. In order to critically analyze how poverty affects school performance, I plan to further investigate not only those practices employed by the Center for Culturally Responsive Urban Education (CRUE), but also the changing discourse about performance and education resources executed by The Colorado Department of Education. The CRUE Center is imperative in my research because it provides development opportunities for educators and schools systems in Colorado to meet “the needs of culturally, linguistically, and economically diverse urban students by preparing school personnel in culturally responsive pedagogy and practice.”[1] In addition, the CRUE Center works alongside districts, schools, and organizations throughout Colorado to further administer the practice of freedom called education. Along with the CRUE Center, SchoolVIEW is also essential to my research. SchoolVIEW is an expansion of the Colorado Department of Education that allows the public to not only access school performance data of Colorado schools and districts, but also gauge their progress and compare data between districts and their accompanying schools. By utilizing not only statistical data created within SchoolVIEW but also an increasing discourse within the CRUE Center as an organizational unit that aims to decrease and eventually eradicate low growth and low performance due to poverty and economic disadvantages, I will describe how poverty affects school performance and progress. Furthermore, Maia Green’s theory on how “an anthropological perspective on poverty and inequality can shed light on the ways in which particular social categories come to be situated as poor,” and how “it can reveal the social processes through which poverty and policy objective becomes institutionalized in development practice and in the social institutions established to monitor, assess and address it,” is critical in regards to encompassing both the discourse presented by the CRUE Center and the statistical data generated by SchoolVIEW.[2] That is, Green’s anthropological perspective on poverty within social categories and those institutions that monitor, assess and address poverty are directly correlated with how poverty within a community reflects on poverty and economically disadvantaged school groups, and what the CRUE Center is doing in regards to addressing the affects that poverty has on administrators, teachers, students, parents, and of course school performance.

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[1] “About Us,” The CRUE Center, accessed October 31, 2011, http://cruecenter.org/a bout.php.

[2] Green, Maia. “Representing Poverty and Attacking Representations: Perspectives on Poverty from Social Anthropology.” The Journal of Development Studies 42.7 (2006): 1108-129. Print.

 

Ethnography and Policy

QUESTION: What are the opportunities and/or limitations of ethnography that critically examines policy? Include a few exploratory statements that relate to the implications of policy-themed ethnography applied to your visualizing development project.

Ethnography is “a qualitative method aimed to learn and understand cultural phenomena which reflect the knowledge and system of meanings guiding the life of a cultural group” (Ethnography).

R.L. Stirrat’s “Cultures of Consultancy” analyzes not only what development consultants do, but also how their work affects the implementation and improvement of projects. In “Cultures in Consultancies” Stirrat explains that development consultancy work via consultants “can somehow penetrate to the ‘truth’, the essence of what is going on in the world they are seeking to change, and that they can do this with the analytical tools which their ‘modernity’ puts at their disposal” (Stirrat, 37). That is, it is assumed that consultants aim to change the world so that it closely relates the essence of modernity. This is yet a limitation of policy in regards to ethnography because modernity is rooted in Westernization. That is, often the ways consultants approach culture is established by their own culture, rather than objectively exploring the given culture (Stirrat, 40).

David Mosse’s “Is Good Policy Unimplementable? Reflections on the Ethnography of Aid Policy and Practice” builds upon Stirrat’s work in that even though there is a large amount of energy devoted to concrete policy models, little energy is applied to the relationship between the policy and how it is implemented and legitimized. That is, Stirrat outlines the development of a concrete policy report, which includes the concise structure of the report, the appeal to objectivity and certainty, the appeal to systematic rationality, and the appeal to official legitimacy. This is directly correlated with Mosse’s assumption that there is more time spent building the ideal policy, rather than on implementing it. In addition, ethnography of development can be perceived as both an opportunity and a limitation in that it contours to both “rational planning and domination/resistance frameworks” (Mosse, 644). On the other hand, ethnography of development attempts to regulate social life, “not by repression and overt control, but through a productive power which engenders subjectivities and aspirations” (Mosse, 644). This can be perceived as an opportunity of ethnography that critically examines policy because even though policy can sometimes be driven by strict guidelines that skew the ultimate attempt of finding the truth in every culture, it attempts to standardize these goals through that of rational planning and action without coercion.

In regards to my visualizing development project, concrete written policy is imperative to school standards and funding. Policy removes loose ends that distort standardization within and between schools. Still, policy is limited by standardization in that much like the world around us, there are diverse cultures within primary and secondary education that need to be evaluated on their own accord, rather than as one mono-cultural community.

“Ethnography.” Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. 18 Oct. 2011. .

Pakistan – Discrimination Lingers On

In 1996 Pakistan ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), declaring that it would adopt legal framework for translating CEDAW provisions not only to its domestic laws, but also to its Constitution, i.e., a reservation under Article 29, paragraph 1. However, Pakistan has yet to adopt any legal framework, which had resulted in a lack of awareness among civil society in the implementation of CEDAW.

Pakistan’s Constitution currently does not define discrimination against women, even though [some] Articles within the Constitution are of gender-based discrimination. In addition, even though advances in gender equality such as the National Plan of Action (1998), the National Policy for Advancement and Empowerment of Women (2002), and the National Commission on the Status of Women (2000) exist, they have all lacked implementing mechanisms and concrete policy measures, which have obstructed desired objectives in each initiative. Furthermore, Pakistan’s government has failed to institute policy reform in regards to “social practices sanctioning violence against women” (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan, 8). That is, the Criminal Law Amendment (2004) failed to eradicate honor killings, there has yet to be a explicit law on domestic violence, and women trafficking and forced prostitution are of irrelevance.

Women Come Together to End Sexual Harassment

Along with violence against women, other forms of gender discrimination/inequality exist in Pakistan. That is to say, Pakistan has an extremely low female literacy rate due to a high attrition rate prior to the completion of primary school. This is the result of social norms employed in Pakistan that have consistently preferred males over females in regards to a high level of education and health, which results in widening the gender gap. In addition, even though women are active members in the national economy, they are persistently denied “adequate protective labour laws, equal wages and recognition of the value of work in economy” [sic] (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 8).

Pakistan Has One of the Lowest Female Literacy Rates in the World

In 2001 a “Health for All” policy was implemented, but government funded programs failed to improve health conditions of not only women, but also society in general. That is, “a majority of female population was anemic, malnourished, and many died every year in pregnancy due to lack of basic medical care. Paucity of health services especially in rural areas results in higher mortality rate. Lack of trained practitioners in government health units, stereotypes against family planning, added to deteriorating health conditions” [sic] (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 9).

Moreover, along with the above depictions of gender discrimination, the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance (1961) contains discriminatory stipulations in regards to marriage in Pakistan. By way of explanation, “a marriage certificate requires disclosure of the marital status of the bride only. A man can divorce a woman without proving and disclosing the reason, whereas a woman wanting a divorce has to file a suit and to go through a legal procedure for getting a divorce certificate [sic]. Rights of divorced women are not defined under any law and a woman seeking divorce has to return to the husband the bridal gifts (Mehr) which limits women’s rights to divorce. Women are not considered qualified to have the custody of children below 18 years of age after the dissolution of marriage” [sic] (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 9).

All of the above aspects of discrimination are outlined in the CEDAW Articles, in that they are important issues with regards to Pakistan itself. Although each Article is relevant and uniquely important, due to space constraints I am not able to outline the facets in each Article. Rather, I will delineate a snapshot of the importance of major Articles within CEDAW and explain why these Shadow Reports are so imperative in regards to gender inequality and discrimination, especially in Pakistan.

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The articles in Week 6 on Gender present important aspects of gender and development. Unnithan and Srivastava’s “Gender Politics, Development and Women’s Agency in Rajasthan” uses ethnographic feminist and developmentalist research in Rajasthan, India from 1984-1993 to develop an approach that is based on feminism as an epistemology. They also acknowledge the ambiguity among NGO-activists, government authorities, and academia, in defining empowerment in Rajasthan, India. Mardock’s “Neoliberalism, Gender and Development” uses ethnographic feminist and developmentalist research in Medellin, Columbia from 1998-2000 to develop a more advanced gender discourse. Both articles illustrate gender discrimination in two very different geographic areas. Still, aspects from the articles are unanimous throughout the globe and can be related to gender dialogue within Pakistan. That is, aspects such as feminism, anti-feminism, gender, empowerment, subordination, social relations, domesticity, sexual and reproductive rights, etc., can be applied to the fight for gender equality across the globe.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Women’s Studies and Gender Research Network launched [from within the Human Rights and Gender Equality Section, Social and Human Sciences Sector] a network in accordance with CEDAW to support the development of women’s studies and gender research. The gender research network is revolutionary in that, “it aims at promoting policy oriented research on and advocacy for women’s rights and gender equality, building capacities and advancing women studies, and strengthening collaboration among university/research centers on women and gender issues across continents” (UNESCO – Social and Human Sciences).

That, along with the Commission on the Status of Women amplifies the importance of CEDAW, which aims to incorporate equality of all persons within legal systems, abolish all discriminatory laws, and adopt laws that prohibit the discrimination against women. The Convention does this through Shadow Reports submitted by member states themselves on the status of women within the corresponding country. In other words, “a country becomes a State party by ratifying or acceding to the Convention and thereby accepting a legal obligation to counteract discrimination against women” (United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women – CEDAW Committee).

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Although the Articles within CEDAW vary slightly between its member states, they are fairly unanimous. Below are the Articles that are presented in Pakistan’s Shadow Report (I have highlighted the Articles in which I will focus on. I did however present each Article because they are all equally important in the advancement of gender equality in Pakistan):

Article 1, 2 Definition of Discrimination, Discriminatory Laws

Article 3 Advancement and Empowerment

Article 4 Affirmative Action

Article 5 Cultural Norms and Practices

Article 6 Trafficking and Prostitution

Article 7 Political Representation

Article 8 International Representation

Article 9 Nationality

Article 10 Education

Article 11 Employment

Article 12 Health

Article 13 Economic and Social Life

Article 14 Rural Areas

Article 15 Equality Before the Law

Article 16 Marriages and Family Relations

Article 1 & 2

There are few articles in Pakistan’s Constitution that forbid gender discrimination. In Article 26 and 27 of the Constitution it states that “there shall be no discrimination only on the ground of race, religion, caste, sex, residence or place of birth” (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 11). This is only in regards to ‘appointment in services’ and ‘access to public places’. That is, nowhere in the Constitution does it clearly state the abolishment of discrimination against women, thus leaving room for the interpretation of equality of women in Pakistan. In addition, discriminatory laws exist that encumber women’s equality.

The Shadow Reports suggests that, “the law (Constitution and other statutory laws) must define discrimination, violence against women, and acts of discrimination punishable offenses” and “in order to give de jure equality to women, repealing discriminatory laws such as Hudood Ordinance, Qisas and Diyat Ordinance, Qanoon-e-Shahadat is but imperative” [sic] (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 15).

Protest Against Hudood Ordinance

Article 3

In 1998 a National Plan of Action was adopted in correspondence to that of the Beijing commitments, to develop plans for social, economic and political empowerment. The commitments were never implemented, and were thus later abandoned by Pakistan.

In 2000 a National Commission on the Status of Women was established. Still, the Commission was given only “recommendatory” powers and lacks not only a qualified staff, but also financial resources (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 16).

In 2002 Pakistan’s government announced the formation of the National Policy of Development & Empowerment for Women for equal participation in national development. It then failed to create methods to achieve its objectives.

The Shadow Report recommends that, “the government must strengthen the mechanisms of the National Commission on the Status of Women, according to their recommendations by; an enabling mandate, independence to carry out its mandate, adequate human and financial resources and powers to investigate the redress human rights violations” (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 17).

In addition, it recommends that a National Human Rights Institution should be established to not only empower women, but also mainstream women’s rights.

Article 5

Pakistan’s government has repeatedly failed to formulate policy reform in regards to the tribal and caste system and social norms that have consistently undermined the status of women. According to the Commission of Inquiry on Status of Women, “Violence against women occurs at all levels of society and has diverse forms. It ranges from the more covered acts (e.g. abusive language, coercion in marriage) and goes on to include the explicit forms of violence (wife beating, torture, marital rape, custodial violence, honour killings burning of women, acid throwing, mutilation, incest, gang rapes, public stripping of women, trafficking and forced prostitution and sexual harassments in the street and workplace, etc.) …Many forms of it (violence) are so entrenched in our culture that they are ignored, condoned or not even recognized as violence by the larger sections of society” [sic] (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 20).

The Shadow Report recommends many ways to help eradicate violence against women. However, the suggestions are all at the state and governmental levels. Violence against women starts at home. EVERY MEMBER in the family needs to recognize that violence against persons is not right and children need to be taught that is it wrong. They only way to eradicate violence against women is to start from the bottom and work its way up, if you will.

Women Come Together to End Violence Against Women

Article 10

Pakistan has one of the lowest female literacy rates in the world according to the Asian Development Bank. This is the result of factors such as “restricted mobility, domestic engagements, early marriages, long distances to school, shortage of trained teachers, insufficient transport facilities and lack of financial resources” (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 34).

The Shadow Report suggests that a percentage of Pakistan’s GDP should be allocated towards education and that affirmative action needs to be implemented to increase the number of female children enrolled in school and female teachers in higher education.

Article 12

Health conditions of females in Pakistan are very poor. Approximately half of the female population is anemic and malnourished, which results in a heightened infant and maternal mortality rate. This is due to poor access to peripheral health facilities, poorly trained healthcare personnel, and unsafe and unhygienic conditions. In regards to reproductive rights, abortion is illegal in Pakistan (except when the pregnancy is determined by two qualified doctors to be fatal to the mother), even in the case of rape. It is thus a criminal offense under the Pakistan Penal Code.

In order to better health conditions in Pakistan, there needs to be funding from Pakistan’s GDP that is specifically for health care. That is, funding needs to be provided for training and educated healthcare personnel, creating safe medical environments for all, and giving women increased access to things needed to improve women’s health.

Article 13

In Article 34 of Pakistan’s Constitution it states that “steps shall be taken to ensure full participation of women in all spheres of national life” and Article 37 states that the state is to “promote social justice and eradicate social evils.” Article 38 states that the state is obligated to “promote social and economic well being of the people” (CEDAW Shadow Report – Pakistan 44).

The implementation of these Articles is questioned. That is, in order to execute these provisions, society must be culturally aware of gender issues and must be willing to change.

Article 16

Cultural norms in Pakistan restrict women in regards to marrying whom they choose. These norms and traditions allow for not only forced marriages to take place, but also child marriages as well.

Men and women need to be treated as equals in all legal matters in Pakistan and marriage needs to be raised to 18 years of age, according to the CEDAW Shadow Report.

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Pakistan is an important country to analyze in that even though it has presented Articles/laws within the Constitution in regards to gender equality, it has persistently failed at implementing many of them. In order to end all forms of discrimination against women, society must work together at not only raising awareness of important issues that surround gender discrimination, but also work towards creating new social norms and traditions that do not involve this sort of discrimination. This will only be possible by starting at the grassroots and working up to the governmental level. That is, by educating all members of the family in each household, that will allow for consistent discourse within communities and thus within society to form. This will hopefully aid in the eventual eradication of all forms of discrimination against women. In addition, the UN, the Convention, and the Commission are all good sources on the status of women across the globe, and have all facilitated in the fight against discrimination.

Only We Can End Gender Discrimination and Violence Against Women

 

Sources:

“Commission on the Status of Women-Follow-up to Beijing and Beijing 5.” Welcome to the United Nations: It’s Your World. 2011. Web. 03 Oct. 2011. <http://www.un.org/wo menwatch/daw/csw/critical.htm>.

“Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.” Welcome to the United Nations: It’s Your World. 2000-2012. Web. 03 Oct. 2011. <http://www.un.org/w omenwatch/daw/cedaw/committee.htm>.

Murdock D (2003) “Neoliberalism, gender and development: institutionalizing ‘post-feminism’ in Medellin, Colombia,” Women’s Studies Quarterly, 3 & 4, 129-5.

“National Commission  for Justice and Peace.” 2007. Discrimination Lingers On. CEDAW Shadow Report Pakistan. Web. 02 Oct. 2011. <http://www.iwrawap.org/resources/pdf /Pakistan%20S R% 20 (NC JP)>.

“UNESCO Women’s Studies and Gender Research Network.” UNESCO Social and Human Sciences. 1995-2011. Web. 2 Oct. 2011. <www.unesco.org>.

Unnithan M, Sriivastava K (1997) “Gender politics, development and women’s agency in Rajasthan,” in R Grillo and R Stirrat, eds., Discourses of development: Anthropological Perspectives, Oxford: Berg Publishers, 157-183.

Globalization And Its Impact on Human Trafficking In Mexico

In Henrietta L. Moore’s, “Global Anxieties: Concept-metaphors and pre-theoretical commitments in anthropology,” she defines globalization or the global as “just such a concept-metaphor, a space of theoretical abstraction and processes, experiences and connections in the world, important not only to social scientists but now part of most people’s imagined and experienced worlds.”[1] The notion of the global is associated with aspects such as mass migration, mass media, flexible capital, global consumerism, transnational communities, etc. In turn, globalization is associated with theoretical abstraction since it does not involve direct face-to-face interactions and is also extended over space and time.[2] The above are all illustrations of how globalization connects the world. Globalization, like most things can be both beneficial and detrimental. Along with all of the positive aspects of globalization, there are negative aspects such as the trafficking of persons and drugs. Trafficking tends to distort national boundaries and borders, because it has no limit and has become one of the most dangerous and lucrative crimes in the world. Although trafficking is not new to Mexico, it is a relatively recent phenomenon in regards to the scholarly research being conducted on the subject. That is, the following segment will analyze scholarly research on trafficking in Mexico and how it relates to the ambiguity of globalization.

It is internationally recognized that trafficking in persons is modern-day slavery, and involves victims who are coerced into sexual exploitation and/or labor. Human trafficking for the purpose of sex trafficking is defined by the Anti-Trafficking Training Program as “the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for the purpose of a commercial sex act.”[3] UNICEF reports that over 1.2 million children are sexually exploited each year. Moreover, according to U.S. Department of State approximately 800,000 individuals are trafficked across national borders, which fails to include those trafficked domestically within their country of origin. The majority of transnational trafficking victims are females, and it is argued that approximately 50% are minors.[4] Human trafficking is not only a global phenomenon, but is also a high volume and extremely lucrative crime. The United Nations estimates that “the total market value of illicit human trafficking is $32 billion – about $10 billion is derived from the initial ‘sale’ of individuals, with the remainder representing the estimated profits from the activities or goods produced by the victims in this barbaric crime.”[5] That is, human trafficking is the second most lucrative crime in the world. The most lucrative crime is drug trafficking.[6]

 

 

 

Renovo Media: What FBI is calling the largest human trafficking operation to end in charges in the United States.

Human trafficking along with drug trafficking are not only a global phenomenon, but also a high volume domestic occurrence, in regards to trafficking in North America, and specifically Mexico. In “Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation” Martti Lehti and Kauko Aromaa argue that approximately 60 – 80 percent of trafficking is domestic, and argue that current estimates of human trafficking underestimate exploitation of minors. The article focuses on the vacillation of trafficking of persons in Western countries, including those in North America. North America according to Lehti and Aromaa, is a major destination and transit area. Still, there is also large-scale internal trafficking with the main destinations being the United States and Canada. The situation in Mexico however is very different from the other two countries. Although still a major destination area, Mexico is also a major source and transit country. That is, the central trafficking routes from Eastern Europe, Latin America, and Asia go through Mexico before they arrive at their destination in the United States.[7]

Although there are not an abundant amount of scholarly articles and literature exclusively on human trafficking in Mexico (it seems as if the issue is overshadowed by drug trafficking in many cases), there are of course many organizations and non-profit advocacy groups such as iEmpathize that focus on spreading awareness. In addition, there are individuals that are dedicated to raising awareness through not only activism, but also education and knowledge on the primacy of sexual exploitation in Mexico.

In “A Conceptual Analysis of Women Trafficking and Its Origin Typology,” Arunkumar Acharya explains the relevance of migration in regards to trafficking of women and constructs a typology considering migration patterns from the origin area to the destination area. Acharya focuses on developing a conceptual definition of women trafficking, because although sex trafficking is becoming an imperative global problem, “its lack of a conceptual definition makes it hard to distinguish between illegal migration and trafficking.”[8] By way of explanation, even though Mexico has ratified the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in People, Especially Women and Children, which states that Mexico is legally bound to put its provisions into practice by applying them as part of its domestic law, “trafficking is not yet duly criminalized in accordance with current international standards.”[9] Furthermore, because Mexico has not clearly defined sexual exploitation and trafficking in the domestic law, there is thus a lack of uniformity in the criminalization of trafficking offenses at the state level.

In “Research on Human Trafficking in North America: A Review of Literature,” Elzbieta Gozdziak explains that the lack of literature on human trafficking in Mexico as opposed to that of the United States and Canada is because the Mexican government has supported few efforts to limit and eventually eradicate human trafficking. Gozdziak provides information on non-governmental organizations that have created projects to analyze and eliminate human trafficking in all three nations in North America. She explains “Mexico is the largest source of undocumented migrants and a major transit point for third-country migration to the United States, but these statistics usually refer to illegal and smuggled migrants without making any attempt to even hypothesize whether any of them might be victims of trafficking.”[10] As a result, it is suggested that NGOs need to direct research to exploring policy shortcomings and the emergence of organized trafficking, rather than relying on the legal frameworks already in existence. Namely Gozdziak proposes to establish more systematic methods of data collection and evaluating the impact that human trafficking has on the lives of victims, their families, and consequently their communities.[11]

Elzbieta Gozdziak proposes to develop new directions in the research of human trafficking specifically in Mexico by constructing different systematic methods of data collection. In congruence with her suggestions I feel as if it would be beneficial to at first combine human trafficking research with drug trafficking research in Mexico, since drug trafficking is not only prevalent in Mexico, but also because the literature is already there, and the two are often linked to one another. In “Sex Trafficking: The ‘Other’ Crisis in Mexico,” Amy Risley explains that while drug trafficking is a major problem, it is not the only crisis situation in Mexico. Risley outlines “the nature of sex trafficking internationally,” summarizing that “this crime against humanity, generally victimizing women and girls, continues to grow.”[12] She argues that there is an abundance of research on drug-related violence and trafficking in Mexico, whereas research on sex trafficking in Mexico is only beginning to grow. She focuses her argument specifically on Mexico because not only is it a destination country, but also is a major origin and transit country. That is, although drug trafficking is a major problem in Mexico, so is human trafficking, and Risley contends “deeply rooted gender inequality and weak laws, in addition to high monetary remuneration, are to blame.”[13] For that reason, she suggests that more theoretically sound, empirically supported research is needed in order to develop political and social change in regards to women’s rights in Mexico.

In regards to how drug trafficking has affected human trafficking, in “Female Drug Smugglers on the U.S. – Mexico Border: Gender, Crime, and Empowerment,” Howard Campbell explains the various degrees of female drug trafficking and how those factors influence their lives. He explicates that economic and cultural factors such as social class strongly influence female involvement in drug trafficking in Mexico. Campbell focuses on each social class and argues that higher class females within drug trafficking receive not only greater economic benefits, but also may achieve power and a relative independence from male dominance. This of course is not the case for “low-level mules” and those who rather than smuggling drugs are just negatively impacted by the repercussions of drug trafficking.[14] That is, according to Campbell this category of women who are associated with those in drug trafficking, but are not smugglers themselves are often victims of female violence, including sexual violence and consequently human trafficking. Even more disturbing, often times high-level female smugglers exploit other low-level mules and “fourth category women” into sex trafficking as a vehicle for power and ironically, female empowerment.[15]

 

 

It is estimated that 14,500 - 17,500 victims are trafficked into the U.S. each year.

Human trafficking is but one example of the harmful effects of globalization. It involves mass migration of women and children for the purpose of sexual and labor exploitation. Additionally, it involves global consumerism in that this is a global phenomenon that is funded by consumerism and has no boundaries. Flexible capital is also relevant in that in regards to a capital structure the cost of capital (victim in this case) is minimum, while the market price share (value upon trafficking) is maximum. Furthermore, human trafficking impacts transnational communities in that traffickers and trafficking organizations have grasped the opportunities offered by advances in not only transportation but also communication technology. That is, this global connectivity on transporting women from origin to transit to destination areas has a definite impact on politics, economics and society as a whole. By way of explanation, it is disappointing that when researching the negative aspects of globalization it seems as if trafficking [in regards to Mexico] is not a major issue, when in fact it is an extremely high volume and lucrative global crime that is a direct correlation of globalization and the global.

 

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[1] Henrietta Moore (2004). “Global Anxieties: concept-metaphors and pre-theoretical commitments in anthropology.” Anthropological Theory. 4 (1): 71.

[2] Ibid., “Global Anxieties.” 74.

[3] “Explore the Issue: Trafficking.” iEmpathize. Web. 11 May 2011. <http://www.iemp athize.org/>. Sex Trafficking.

[4] Ibid., iEmpathize. Explore the Issue: FAQ’s.

[5] Ibid., iEmpathize. Explore the Issue: FAQ’s.

[6] United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. Web. 11 May 2011. <http://www.unodc .org/>.

[7] Martti Lehti and Kauko Aromaa (2006). “Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation”. Crime and Justice. The University of Chicago Press: 34 (1): 133-227.

[8] Arunkumar Acharya (2009). “Un Analisis Conceptual del Trafico de Mujeres y su Tipologia de Origen”. Andamios: Revista de Investigacion Social 6 (12): 299-322.

[9] “CEDAW: Country Reports.” Welcome to the United Nations: It’s Your World. 18 Dec. 2007. Web. 10 May 2011. <http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/reports.htm&gt;. Mexico, 2006.

[10] Elzbieta Gozdziak, M (2005). “Research on Human Trafficking in North America: A Review of Literature”. International migration (0020-7985), 43 (1-2): 110.

[11] Ibid., “Research on Human Trafficking in North America”. 122.

[12] Amy Risley (03/2010). “Sex Trafficking: The “Other” Crisis in Mexico?”. South Eastern Latin Americanist (0049-1527), 54(1): 99.

[13] Ibid., “Sex Trafficking: The “Other” Crisis in Mexico?” 114.

[14] Howard Campbell (2008). “Female Drug Smugglers on the U.S. – Mexico Border: Gender, Crime, and Empowerment”. Anthropological Quarterly 81 (1): 245.

[15] Ibid., “Female Drug Smugglers on the U.S. – Mexico Border: Gender, Crime, and Empowerment”. 249.

 

Maintaining Religious Roots

Maintaining Religious Roots in a Global Society Photo By Yaron Kaminsky

“We must beware that we do not forget our own religious roots: where we come from can be a vital ingredient in knowing where we are going, and how to get there.”

Introduction ANTH 5070

My understanding of a “brief introductory statement” is that of a personal introduction. That being said…

My name is Ashley Hilyard. I am 23 years old and am currently finishing up my M.S. in Social Sciences on the International Studies track here at UCD. Currently I am writing my thesis on the obstructing factors of the well being of Turks in Germany. In addition, I am taking this course to fulfill my International Studies certificate. I work at UCD, School of Education and Human Development for the Center for Advancing Practice & Educational Research. There I am an accountant. It’s mind numbing really…and that’s why I have chosen to acquire degrees in the liberal arts!  In my free time I enjoy riding my bicycle, listening to music, reading, and cuddling with my 4 year old Italian Greyhound, Lila. Really, I don’t know what to say in this introductory statement, so I have bantered on for the last paragraph on nothing relevant to this course.

I hope to gain a lot from this course. That is, I am not well versed in multi-media software and think that I will benefit from someone like Marty, who seems to know the ins and outs if you will. I also hope to be able to take aspects of this course and add them to my developing thesis.

Well, okay then. That is all. Good night!